Le monde ouvrier = The labor world, 1 avril 1959, Avril

5 S' i® j if i E&Ï XCkS* JÆ3 jpi&ch tfiir* /': I i 111 |||l!SSP %»' l]>l m O U VR/ER 44anné* — No 4 MONTREAL AVRIL 1959 10 cents ’»••>¦> î£'5 ________1 'tW:: Les femmes, les filles et les fiancées des bûcherons de Terre-Neuve ont été merveilleuses de dévouement et d'abnégation depuis le début de la grève.Cette photo nous en fait voir un groupe assurant joyeusement la relève de leurs hommes épuisés par de longues heures de piquetage par les pires intempéries.Rentrées chez elles, elles devront faire des prodiges pour nourrir leurs familles.mmm y> w pggpg .- • ~ ¦ rWv- : 'v-: -.r.- : j® '-¦yvÿjjjcïi&jït': îsiaâM ¦ : - ''V Nfcfej < C'est dans des conditions do logement inhumaines que vivaient les bûcherons à l'emploi de l'Anglo-Newfoundland Development jusqu'au déclenchement de la grève, le 31 décembre dernier.On aperçoit ici l'intérieur d'un camp typique: lits à deux étages, sans draps ni couvertures, pas de baignoires ni de douches, pas do buanderie, et des fèves au lard tous les matins.Nous n'avons rien à perdre, semblent se dire, peu avant la grève, ces hommes désespérés, KM* i.' : OTTAWA — On croit savoir, dans les milieux syndicaux de la capitale, que, pour le Congrès du travail du Canada, la grève de Terre-Neuve, devenue une lutte pour la défense noir,; , r seulement des droits syndicaux, mais aussi des droits tout sim-® ° j plement démocratiques, ne fait que commencer.Tout porte g •£ croire que, si certains projets sont menés à bonne fin, le pro-' *aucaup, regarde peu la télévision, va de tempe en temps au cfnéme, JACQUELINE LAVOIE s'occupe de sa chatte noire et du poisson rouge de la famille, Théodule.Elle adore la musique classique et n'aime pas le jazz.Sa discothèque contient de 300 à 400 disques.En 1953, elle a obtenu un congé de trois mois et elle a visité l'Italie, la Franc# et l'Egypte.La ville qu'elle a le plus aimée i Rome.Elle aime la bonne nourriture, fait la cui.ln* en fin de semaine 6 la malton, cultive des légumes à Ville-Lasalle, et trouve mime I»temps d'en congeler è- le fin de la-saison.EU* déteste le ménage et le lavage, mais repasse.Depuis qu'elle travaille au Congrès, elle a été rédactrice de la Défense, journal du CMTC dans la province de Québec; elle a été membre du Comité d'éducation de la FTQ et elle a collaboré au Comité des droits de l'homme du CTC.Elle vit avec sa mère et sa soeur qui, elle aussi, est unu fervente syndicaliste.Elle aime beaucoup voyager, va souvent à New-York, et voyagerait encor* plut, si elle pouvait te le permettre.Gisèle MftOfftON J LE MONDE OUVRIER AVRIL 1959 MONTREAL APRIL 1959 THE LABOUR WORLD The Dean of Canadian Labour Paper» Founded by Gustave Francq, In 1916 THE: LABOUR • y : Published in order to promote the legislative reforms needed for Ilia protection of the Quebec working class and for the betterment of its lot.Official organ of the QUEBEC FEDERATION OF LABOUR Executive Committee Roger PROVOST, president; Pat BURKE, Edouard LAROSE, vicepresidents; Roméo GIRARD, secretary; Eucher CORBEIL, treasurer Director: Roger PROVOST; Editor: Noël PERUSSE.Address all correspondance ‘o: 1476 Sherbrooke West, Montreal 25 — Tel, WEllington 7-9195 Printed by Radiomonde, 8430 Casgrain Street, DU.7-6218 10u Authorized as second class mall, Post O;: D*-ailment, Oitav/a.EDITORIAL THE BEST DEFENSE; OFFENSIVE ACTION The discussion turned to tht present management campaign to blackball the union movement.And it was at that point that the representative of a management association, happily met on neutral ground, told this editor : "Your fault It that, since a number of years, you haven't called for any major reform in the field of labour legislation.Years ago, it was the labour movement, rarely management, that demanded such reforms; nowadays, it's the employers who, having taken the offensive, force you to defend continually your position." Sad, but true I We spend much time Justifying our wage increases, defending ourselves against the accusation of creating an inflationary price spiral, arguing that we have as much right as anyone else to take political action and proving that the labour movement is less dominated by the Americans than are the employers, etc., etc.In certain cases, such as that of the accidental death in Newfoundland of police officer William Moss, the act of arguing our dofense is a difficult one; for we feel the enormous pressure of misunderstanding and hostility; we can only deplore the "incident".And a sign of the trend to anti-unionism is confirmed when we read in a liberal-minded magazine such as Maclean's : "For far too many years, our government agencies—federal, provincial and municipal—have been far too reluctant to enforce the simple letter of tho law in industrial disturbances.They have watched docilely while picket lines turned themselves into besieging armies and gangs of thugs denied peaceable citizens the right of access to their places of employment.Our governments have kept hands off while hundreds of thousands of dollars worth of property have been wrecked, millions of dollars worth of production have been lost, scores of skulls have been cracked." If the governments, throughout a period of years, have shown a policy of non-intervention in cases of violence on the picket line, it has been because the strikers had the general sympathy and support of the public, and the labour movement failed to profit from that public support by claiming reformed laws that would bring about the elimination of violence on the picket line and show our interest in preventing, whenever humanly possible, such violence.It is still possible to bring the public to the point of understanding the enormous sacrifices which the strikers and their families accept in order to gain their rights, of seeing the odious tactics of retaliation used by the employers, and to show that acts of violence are, in most cases, the reaction of men threatened with the loss of the very jobs for which they are fighting, the loss of their jobs to strike breakers.It is not too late to have the well-intentioned public understand that a strike isn't a mass resignation by the workers, that the striker doesn't automatically renounces his job, but that he is fighting to improve his conditions and accepts the easily-imaginable material and moral misery as part of that fight.It is surely not that difficult to show that the worker walking on the picket lint in front of a plant gate, should have as strong a right to protect his job as the employer has the right to protect his property while directing his anti-strike operations from Miami or Cannes.All this is understandable if it is at the same time seen that our unions call for laws to stop strike violence without limiting the legitimate rights of the workers.Such laws should recognize the right of the employee on strike to his property, his |ob.In thla way, the police responsible for maintaining order on the picket line and protecting property rights, would protect, at the eame time, the property of tho employer (his plant) end else protect tho property of the etrikera (their jobs).Order would then coincide with justice.And how could management oppose such a proposed low without assuming the responsibility of violence end regrettable accidente that result from tho absence of such e lew Î Ménagement would then find iteelf on the defensive.* An Impartial Analysis ©f Smallwood's Laws (From preceding page) granted against a union.This is a new wrinkle.• Where a union officer or — note this — member has lost an/ civil suit arising out of a labor dispute.REVERSES LAW Holding a union responsible for acts of all members reverses British and Canadian labor law.When certified as a bargaining agent, a union must accept as members all employees entitled to join, sometimes numbering thousands; including the possible hot-heads, alcçholics or simply stupid employees.So for the spontaneous act of one or a few members, all other workmen can have their union taken away from them.Union men also fear the agent provocateur in their ranks, plotting violence to get the union outlawed under such legislation.But in case the unions might not be caught in this wide legal net, the Smallwood amendment» block any escape from what the premier might propose.The following subjection (2 i read» : "Notwithstanding anything in this act and whathar or not tha board.ha.under consider.tlon the revocation of tha certlficatlon under subsection one, the lieutenant-governor in council may, after due enquiry, revoke the certification of a bargaining agent." A new organisation with a not-too-new statement of policy has made its appearance on the Quebec scene.Calling itself "Ligue de la main-d'oeu-vre native du ôuébec" ( League for Native Quebec Labour), the organisation shows, in its published policy, a scare-psychology directed against new Canadians in terms that mount to pathological intensity.There is no question that reaction of community groups faced with the problem of high and mounting unemployment figures is a good sign.But it is not a good sign when it is accompanied with appeals to racism, anti-unionism and near-facism—and all this linked with the most reactionary of political policies.Racism—in stating that immigration is a carefully reasoned and efficiently implemented plot to stamp-out the existence of French Canada.Anti-union—in that their policy "strongly condemns the union movement for its treason" vis-à-vis the Quebec (nativell workers.Near-facist — in suggesting the need of a work permit, as wall as a permit allowing one to stay in the Province and taka up living quartan.Issued by the Provincial Government So, if Mr.Smallwood decides against the union, it's out no matter what it does or doesn't do.Not only that, bul a union outlawed by order-incouncil can never be certified again unless the premier sanctions its application by another order.ALIEN POWER?Unions become legal entities, liable to be sued, responsible for the acts of all their members in a suit.All this is much more than the customary "anti-labor" legislation.Here, a premier has dicta- "The government, in preparing the budget, was faced with curbing inflation or taking action to reduce the dangers of unemployment.It is regrettable that they chose to place the emphasis on inflation, thereby failing to meet the urgent need of combating the unemployment which has for so long been taking a toll in lost production and human suffering."This could be termed a re- and granted to Native workers and not to "scabs against French-Canadians, serving as colonialist commandos against the population of Quebec".After all, within a democratic state, there are limits as to the restrictions that can be placed on the citizen's freedom of movement, including the freedom to make application or change one's employment.It is true that an unemployment problem exists, and that governments, at the three levels, have not taken effective action to solve that problem.But the problem is not as simple as the "nativists" would suggest.Most economic experts agree that immigration to Canada has not exceeded the estimated rate of obsorbtion.Newcomers to Canada are also new consumers.And in organized trades or industries, the under-cutting of wage rates (of which immigrants are accused) is made impossible by the contract clauses dealing with non-discrimination in employment, working conditions, seniority and the wage scale.If the governments have not an efficient plan for economic and social security, it certainly la not tha fault of the New Canadians.Paul f.KING torial powers to outlaw unions, and thereby, the right to strike.This legislation rejects the British tradition of free trade unions and civil rights.Moreover, this government is no longer arbiter betv/een labor and capital, representing the public; now government is prepared to intervene against labor.Its laws inject an alien type of power over work and wages in the hands of ona man, who happens to be Mr.Smallwood : Something mora akin to Mussolini's corporate state in prewar Italy than to Canada's parliamentary democracy.gressive budget.Mr.Fleming has eliminated most of the minor tax relief granted Canadians in 1957 without restoring the level of economic prosperity which existed at that time."It is not true to say 'that the budget is aimed to a very large extent against the wealthy.The increase in sales tax falls very heavily on those of meagre means who spend their entire incomes on necessities."Sales taxes are inequitable to begin with because those of ample means have a choice in spending while others do not.This inequality is increased by the action taken by the government last night."We are deeply disappointed at the government's action in eliminating deductions for hospital expenses covered under government plans.This policy is a complete reversal of that held by the Conservative Party before its election to power.It then advocated eliminating the present three per cent floor.The Canadian Labour Congress supports this original policy.The regulation now being applied is discriminatory in favor of hospital plans provided by private insurance companies.The public plans are supported by contributions from taxpayers and there is no reason why they should not enjoy the same benefits as those who protect themselves under private plans."As far as the budget as a whole is concerned, it is our view that the government haa missed a golden opportunity to help ordinary Canadians at a time when they sorely need economic help.At the same time, budget policy could have been designed to stimulate the economy of the country generally, speed recovery and reduce unemployment by Increasing rather than reducing purchasing power." CLC Critical Fleming's Budget OTTAWA.— The Canadian Labour Congress sharply condemned the higher taxes imposed on the small taxpayers by the Progressive Conservative government in Mr.Fleming's budget.Here Is the text of the statement issued by Secretary-Treasurer Donald MacDonald : Racism Incorporated LF.MONDE OUVRIER AVRIL 1959 MONTREAL APRIL i«t THE LABOUR WORLD Is a New Party Needed .HJ Too?IN;'OR FILTER TÏP CIGARE TJES (Some of our people, opposed to political action, often claim that it is contrary to the constitution of their International Unions.Here we republish part of an article from the "United Paper", the official organ of the United Papermakers and Paperworkers, first printed in Albany, New York, showing that our American Brothers are watching our activities with interest and sympathy, and that we may very well be giving leadership to the North American labour movement in our present endeavours.) CEMENT WORKERS LAYING FOUNDATIONS At both ends of the Continent, developments of recent weeks have given a tremendous push to Canadian Labor's announced policy of organizing a new political party.• In Newfoundland, Premier Joseph Smallwood has used his Liberal Party Government as an outright strike-breaking agency.• Out West, in British Columbia, the provincial legislature is considering a new Trade Unions Act which labor leaders charge is a deliberate attempt to "emasculate" unions along Canada's Pacific Coast.And in Ottawa, the Progressive Conservative Government of Prime Minister John Diefenbaker has fumbled while recession - triggered unemployment spreads with increasing severity across the Dominion.More than the education campaign undertaken by the Canadian Labor Congress ((CLC) and the Cooperative Commonwealth Federation [(CCF), the events being reported in the newspapers are convincing rank-and-file union members that they are headed up the right road in laying the groundwork for a new political party.If you talk to them about the prospects of success in the next election, chances are your answer will go along these lines t "Of course there is a possibility of defeat.even a series of defeats for many years .but we're taking a beating with the old parties anyway, so what have we lost in forming our own ?" The Canadian worker will point to the experience of unionists in Great Britain where Labor is now the opposition party with an odds-on chance of regaining power in the next general election.While class lines are more obscure in Canada than England, the new party advocates will point to the Dominion's tradition of farmer-labor political cooperation.Unlike the dominant farm organizations in the U.S., agricultural groups North of the Border have remained in the hands of working farm families rather than corporate agricultural interests.As a consequence, some of th* most progressive labor legislation in the world has become law in predominantly agricultural provinces of Canoda.This is fn sharp contrast to the U.S.where rural controlled legislatures, particularly in the South, are openly competing for outside industry on the basis of repressive labor measures.Proponents of the new party will also tell a visitor from the States that the Canadian government's structure lends itself to a party system based on clear legislative differences.When Canadians go to the polls they do not vote directly for the Prime Minister.As in England, the party leaders run from their own individual constituencies.The leader of the party which wins the most seats becomes Prime Minister and selects his Cabinet from the ranks of other successful candidates who are members of his own party.Under this set-up, the voter who claims he is casting his ballot for an individual rather than a political party is actually voting in the blind.(.) Is the new party lo follow the pattern of British Labor ?Will there be two clotset of member» at In England i one Employees of Canada Cement, members of Local 215, United Cement, Lime & Gypsum Workers International Union, took a first step towards education when a one day course on parliamentary procedure was followed by fourteen officers and stewards.Taking class from the trade unions and the other from the constituency organizations ?What shall be the platform of the new party on such highly controversial matters as public ownership and public investment, natural resource development, health Insurance, taxation, labor legislation ?Within the next few months we should be hearing some of the answers.These answers will have impact on both sides of the Border.Following the November elections in the U.S., union members saw the sweeping Democratic victories heralding a new pro-labor motif on Capitol Hill and in the state legislatures, many of which had obtained their first Democratic majorities since Civil War days.It was with some degree of shock that unionists read in the newspapers several months ago a statement by AFL-CIO Pres.George Meany flatly stating the possibility of third party action by the American Labor Movement.Meany told the founding merger convention of the New York AFL-CIO : I have always said we didn't need our own political party, and I still say that.But If we come to that point part also, were three members of Local 220, employees of Gypsum, Lime and Alabastine Company.The class was conducted by Philippe V a il lancourt, Canadian Labour Congress provincial Director of Education, assisted by G.E.Cormier, general representative of and we have to Ikk the people who want to drag us back to the past, we will •tart a political party of our own and do a good job of it." The statement drew a standing ovation from Convention delegates, and Meany's doubts appear to have been borne out by subsequent developments in Washington and elsewhere.To obtain action on the unemployment crisis from the Democratic leadership In Congress, AFL-CIO has colled a special Unemployment Conference next month.The same Democratic leadership appears to be holding as a club over Labor's head the threat of passing a union reform measure which would bog down the labor movement in a welter of red tape and legal restrictions during a period when union collective bargaining strength is being sorely tried at the grass roots level.It Is said that the strategy of ihe Democratic high command in Washington is to "save" Labor from this fate and In return stave off needed Taft-Hartley reform, really effective minimum wage and unemployment eempensation legislation.UCLGWIU.The above photo shows.Brother Vaillancourt adressing the participants.He is surrounded, at head of table, by Brothers Fern, Cousineau and Jean Soucy, recording secretary and president of Local 215 respectively, and by Brother Cormier, sitting at His left.On taxes, the Democrat» join with the Republicans in offering no hope for relief to low ond middle Income families .but bolh parties managed to provide more loopholes for the wealthy in special measures passed by the last Congress.On the State level, Ohio'» Democratic Governor Mike Di-Salle, who stood little chance of election without all-out labor support last November, is proposing a labor bill lo the legislature which, among other things, would outlaw the check-off of Union dues.In New York, a Republican Governor elected over labor opposition is behind a tax program to wallop the little man while in California, a Democratic Governor, elected only as a consequence of all-out labor political action, is pushing an equally regressive tax bill.It may be that the actions following disenchantment of Canadian unionists with their two major political parties will spread South of the Border, Perhaps we too should be asking."What do we stand to gain or lose with o new party here ?" :(3/31 59) mm* i‘Ufa Uii in ala R3H i 44th Year — No.4 MONTREAL - APRIL 1959 10 cents .•••••• •• : • V « ‘V -#*